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by John Fitzpatrick
The ongoing controversy in Brazil over the comments made by vice president Jose Alencar on interest rates has started a debate on the vice presidency itself. Columnists have been bombarding us with their opinions and few of them seem to think that, as mere vice president, Alencar has the right to open his mouth. Perhaps eight years of the Fernando Henrique Cardoso administration during which the vice president, Marco Maciel, was virtually invisible and inaudible have implanted this idea. One Senator is even trying to get support for a constitutional amendment to scrap the position entirely. This may be a legitimate issue to raise but the timing is fishy and it seems a bit extreme to abolish the second highest constitutional post in the land, which goes back to 1891 when the Republic was established, simply because Jose Alencar has been calling for lower interest rates.
In a previous article I supported Alencar’s right to comment on issues since, in the event of anything happening to President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, it is Alencar who would succeed him. If this happened then, at least, the public would know what to expect from the person who would be in command. It should also not be forgotten that the vice president is directly elected to that post. When the people go to the polls they know they are voting for a vice president as well as a president. It has been suggested that the chairman of the Lower House of Congress should assume power but this would be undemocratic since his electoral legitimacy stems from his election to the legislature and not the executive power.
Another important point is that, under the Brazilian constitution, when the president is abroad the vice become acting president and Alencar has already exercised this function. This gives vice presidents a “feel” for the job. So far Alencar has made no attempt to misuse this power. This is not the case in the US, for example, where the vice president only assumes power when the president is incapable of giving orders. This happened under the Reagan administration when the president underwent surgery. Wider Political Reform Needed
Taking an important constitutional step like abolishing the vice presidency should be done in a rational way as part of a process, not as a hasty response to a topical issue. Any such change should also consider wider political reform to end, for example, the scandalous party-swapping as successful candidates switch to another party for greater favors or the “supplementary” candidates who take the place of deputies or senators who lose their posts. The best example of this misuse of power in recent years was the simple replacement of the disgraced Senate leader Antonio Carlos Magalhães by none other than Antonio Carlos Magalhães Junior, his son. In a country like Brazil, with almost no truly national political party, choosing a running mate is usually an attempt to broaden a presidential candidate’s support. As a result it is not unusual to have opponents on the same ticket. For example, Jose Serra’s running mate, Rita Camata, came from the PMDB and had voted against many of the main reforms supported by Serra’s PSDB. Ciro Gomes chose a trade union leader who one would normally have expected to support Lula. Lula faced great opposition within the PT when he announced his alliance with the right-wing evangelical PL party led by Alencar. On top of that, Alencar is a millionaire businessman. Lula squared this circle by saying he was forming an alliance between labor and capital. In some ways, Alencar is like Lula. He has had a relatively short political career, like Lula who never held any important position, such as mayor or state governor, but preferred to be a free agent. Both men are still learning on the job.
Learning from History This discussion is not an academic point since the vice presidency has helped shape Brazil’s history over the last century.
Let us look at some incidents in recent history in which the vice president has assumed power:
· In 1992 Itamar Franco took over when Fernando Collor de Mello stood down as impeachment proceedings began in Congress over allegations of corruption. · In 1985 the vice president, Jose Sarney, took over when the president Tancredo Neves (elected by an electoral college, not directly by the people) died before assuming office. Sarney served the four-year term which should have been carried out by Neves. · In 1961 João Goulart took over when Janio Quadros suddenly and mysteriously resigned after only seven months in office. · In 1954 João Café Filho took over when Getulio Vargas committed suicide. In each of these cases the results were lamentable for Brazil and, with the exception of the Juscelino Kubitschek era (1956-1960), no president served a full term until Cardoso took office in 1995. Considering the odds, it is almost a miracle that Cardoso managed to govern for two unbroken terms. Sarney and Franco were unable to cope with the economic crises and hyperinflation which marked the period after the end of military rule. The repercussions in the earlier cases were more serious in that they effectively led to the imposition of military rule in 1964. Despite being Vargas’s deputy, Café Filho was actually opposed to many of the President’s policies and, on assuming power, reshuffled the cabinet, bringing in his own supporters to key positions. Just before the end of his term in November 1955, after Kubitschek had been elected to assume the presidency the following year, with João Goulart as his deputy, Café Filho had health problems and turned over power to the head of the Chamber of Deputies, Carlos Luz. Luz was an opponent of Kubitschek and Goulart and Café Filho is believed to have thought he might prevent them assuming power. He failed. However, when Goulart returned as vice president under Janio Quadros it was not long before history repeated itself and the deputy found himself in charge. Goulart held the post from September 1961 until April 1964 when he was overthrown in a military coup which was to put the soldiers in charge for the following two decades.
Military Machinations
It is impossible in a short article to describe the machinations, the wheels within wheels, the coups within coups and the strange symbiotic relationships which caused this chaotic historical interlude. Yet, with the exception of Goulart, who initially had to share power with Congress [1], the role of the vice president went unquestioned. Strangely enough, it was during the period of military rule that the vice presidential position was ignored. When Marshall Artur Costa e Silva, who had assumed office in 1967, had a stroke in August 1969, a three-man military junta took control instead of the vice president, Pedro Aleixo. This junta then appointed General Emilio Garrastazu Medici as president, a move which was rubber stamped by the tame Congress, ignoring the fact that the country had a vice president standing by. Medici (1969-1974) and his successors, Ernesto Geisel (1974-78) and João Batista Figueiredo (1979-1984), served out their terms without interruption [2]. Going back even further we find that the vice presidency has been a crucial factor several times. In fact, the rise of Getulio Vargas as a dictator was the result of the assassination in July 1930 of João Pessoa, who had been his running mate in the election in March which Vargas lost to Julio Prestes. Vargas and his supporters regarded this as a political attack and military uprisings took place in several states. The army overthrew the government of Washingon Luis before Prestes could assume office, and appointed Vargas as head of a provisional administration.
Finally, it is worth noting that Brazil’s first President, Deodoro da Fonseca, resigned in 1891 after only a short period in office when he unsuccessfully tried to dissolve Congress and assume dictatorial powers. Guess who replaced him? Yes, that’s right – the vice president, Floriano Peixoto. Incidentally, Peixoto became known as the “consolidator of the Republic” after suppressing an uprising in the southern state of Rio Grande do Sul where Getulio Vargas had been born eight years earlier in 1883. The circle keeps turning. © John Fitzpatrick 2003
[1] This basically introduced a parliamentary system. However, a plebiscite held in January 1963 voted overhwlemingly to restore Goulart’s presidential powers under the 1946 constitution. [2] These dates are approximate since the new presidents did not assume power until the following year. |